Every iPhone and Android phone is built to measure how long its owner spends in each app, how often they pick it up, and how many notifications pull them back. None of it reaches the public, so parents, researchers, and legislators are left guessing. Congress should protect the researchers, let Americans share their own data, and make the national numbers public.
The Problem
American teenagers report spending nearly five hours a day on social media,1 and 45% say it is too much, up from 36% in 2022.2 These platforms entertain and connect. They also shape habits, beliefs, and cultural norms.
Their pull works on the gap between first- and second-order preferences: what we reach for in the moment, and what we want for our lives. Feeds learn from what we do, so they tend to serve the first.3 In one randomized experiment, self-control problems drove an estimated 31% of participants' social media use.4
But as a society, we can barely see any of it. The Bureau of Labor Statistics can tell you Americans spent about 11 minutes a day on lawn and garden care in 2025;5 no federal statistic can tell you how long they spend on any single app. Investors can buy daily, app-by-app estimates;6 the public gets self-reports, which rarely match what devices record.7 Three barriers keep it that way:
- Researchers get shut out. In 2021, Facebook cut off NYU researchers studying its political ads, blaming its FTC privacy order; the FTC called that claim inaccurate.8 No federal law protects this research.
- The data stays locked in. Apple blocks apps from sending a user's screen-time data off the phone, even at the user's request,9 so researchers resort to screenshots.10
- Laws go unmeasured. Meta's $17 billion settlement with 51 attorneys general commits it to block minors' access overnight,11 and from January 2027 New York will bar platforms from sending minors notifications between midnight and 6 a.m. without parental consent.12 No public statistic will show whether either works.
Why legislation: Scientists disagree about how much harm social media does. The nation's top health and science authorities agree on how to find out: the Surgeon General told policymakers to "ensure technology companies share data" with independent researchers and the public,13 and the National Academies said that if companies will not cooperate, "Congress should act."14 No federal law does this today. Companies that have grown this large on American markets, laws, and infrastructure should make their impact knowable.
The Solution
A four-step staircase: each step stands alone, and each step up adds public knowledge and obligation. Thresholds: phone operating systems above 25 million monthly U.S. users (in practice, iOS and Android); apps above 10 million.
Step 1 — Protect the researchers. Bar large platforms and operating systems from cutting off, banning, or suing qualified academic and medical researchers who study their effects with lawfully obtained or user-donated data. Washington already shields good-faith security research from prosecution;15 research into a product's effects on its users deserves the same, in statute.
Step 2 — Let Americans take their data with them. Give users sovereignty over their own records: operating systems must let users export screen-time data in a standard format and share it, revocably, with apps and studies they choose (with parental consent for minors). Parents get better tools, rivals can compete with Apple's and Google's own, and scientists get consented data at scale. Privacy should protect a person's data from others, not from the person.
Step 3 — Publish the national numbers. Operating systems report monthly for every covered app, on a six-month delay to protect market-sensitive information:
- Metrics: monthly and daily active users and devices, reported separately; total foreground hours; mean, median, 90th- and 95th-percentile minutes per active day; sessions per day and median session length; share of users above two hours a day; nighttime minutes; notifications; and pickups.
- Broken out by: month, state, age band, and device type.
The result is a national baseline of which apps, how long, at what hours, for which ages, and whether use is rising. Any legislature or attorney general could then test whether rules like these work.
Step 4 — Count the whole screen. Phones miss the living room, where YouTube now draws 13.8% of all TV viewing.16 Extend the same reporting to the largest platforms' web and TV use, with independent audits.
Where to start: Step 1 is the floor; it asks nothing of companies but restraint. Step 3 is the heart of the proposal.
Administration and enforcement: The FTC writes rules within 12 months; compliance follows a year later. Civil penalties for missed or false reports, obstructed sharing, and retaliation against protected researchers.
Risks and Mitigations
- Privacy: Public figures are aggregates only, with small groups suppressed; individual records move only by a user's (or parent's) revocable choice. Apple already uses differential privacy to learn from users collectively without learning about individuals.17
- First Amendment: Expect a challenge: NetChoice is suing to block Minnesota's platform-disclosure law, including its time-spent statistics, as compelled speech.18 Content-neutral counts of minutes stand on firmer ground than the content-moderation reports the Ninth Circuit found content-based in X Corp. v. Bonta (2024),19 but the risk remains.
- Time is not harm: True, which is why the staircase pairs public numbers with research access. Hours show where to look; research shows what they do.
Similar Bills
Fit measures similarity to this proposal's mechanisms: High = direct precedent; Partial = useful component with material differences; Related = adjacent approach.
Federal — 119th Congress
| Proposal or bill | Relevant provisions and fit | Fit |
|---|---|---|
| S. 1748 — Kids Online Safety Act Blackburn (R-TN), Blumenthal (D-CT), Thune (R-SD), Schumer (D-NY) Ordered reported with a substitute · Aug. 5, 2026 |
Introduced §105(c)(1)(C) requires annual public reports of minor-user counts and mean and median time spent. Direct precedent for Step 3; limited to minors and reported by each platform. Compares introduced text; the substitute was not reviewed. | High |
| S. 3292 — Platform Accountability and Transparency Act Coons (D-DE), Cassidy (R-LA) Referred to committee · Dec. 1, 2025 |
§§3–5 create vetted researcher access to platform data; §8 adds a safe harbor for research on public information. Closest precedent for Step 1; does not reach donated screen-time records. | High |
| H.R. 2657 — Sammy's Law Wasserman Schultz (D-FL) + 5 bipartisan original cosponsors Subcommittee advanced · Dec. 11, 2025 |
§4 requires real-time interfaces that let families delegate account management to third-party safety software. Model for Step 2's user-directed sharing; limited to child-safety tools. | Partial |
| S. 1634 — ACCESS Act of 2025 Warner (D-VA), Hawley (R-MO), Blumenthal (D-CT) Referred to committee · May 7, 2025 |
§§3–5 require data portability, interoperability, and delegation to user-authorized agents. Data-sovereignty model for Step 2; covers communications platforms above 100 million U.S. users, not device usage data. | Partial |
State
| Proposal or bill | Relevant provisions and fit | Fit |
|---|---|---|
| Minnesota — Minn. Stat. §325M.33 Enacted 2024 · In effect July 1, 2025 Challenged in NetChoice v. Ellison (D. Minn., pending) |
Requires social media platforms to publish percentiles of time spent (10th through 99.9th) and other engagement. Enacted precedent for Step 3; platform self-reporting, with no user data rights or research protection. 2026 amendments add age-estimation disclosure from July 1, 2027. | High |
| Connecticut — HB 6857 (2025) House passed May 14, 2025 · Not enacted |
The House-passed version would require annual public user counts, uptake of parental consent and default settings, and average daily use by age and hour. Close model for Step 3; annual platform self-reporting. | High |
| Colorado — SB 25-086 (2025) Vetoed April 24, 2025 |
Proposed §6-1-1605 would require public distributions of minors' use duration, overnight use, and notifications. Close metric-level precedent for Step 3; limited to minors. | High |
What this adds: Public time-use statistics are already law in Minnesota and written into the leading federal kids' online safety bill. This proposal makes the numbers comparable across every major app by measuring at the operating system, adds the metrics that matter most for children (nighttime use, notifications, pickups) by state and age, and pairs public numbers with user data rights and researcher protection.
Notes
-
Gallup, "Teens Spend Average of 4.8 Hours on Social Media Per Day," October 13, 2023. Self-reported; survey of 1,591 U.S. adolescents ages 13–19, June–July 2023. ↩
-
Pew Research Center, "Teens, Social Media and Mental Health," April 22, 2025. Survey of 1,391 U.S. teens ages 13–17, September–October 2024. ↩
-
Jon Kleinberg, Sendhil Mullainathan, and Manish Raghavan, "The Challenge of Understanding What Users Want: Inconsistent Preferences and Engagement Optimization," revised October 2023. ↩
-
Hunt Allcott, Matthew Gentzkow, and Lena Song, "Digital Addiction," American Economic Review 112, no. 7 (2022). The 31% figure is the authors' model-based estimate for study participants. ↩
-
Bureau of Labor Statistics, American Time Use Survey, Table 1, 2025 annual averages: 0.19 hours per day on lawn and garden care, civilian population age 15 and over. ↩
-
Sensor Tower, "App Intelligence for Investors," accessed September 2026. Advertises time-spent, session, and active-user estimates refreshed every 24 hours. ↩
-
Douglas A. Parry et al., "A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Discrepancies Between Logged and Self-Reported Digital Media Use," Nature Human Behaviour 5 (2021). Based on 106 effect sizes; self-reports were "rarely an accurate reflection" of logged use. ↩
-
Federal Trade Commission, Letter from Acting Director Samuel Levine to Facebook, August 5, 2021. ↩
-
Apple Developer Documentation, "DeviceActivityReport." The report extension "runs in a sandbox" that "prevents your extension from making network requests or moving sensitive content outside the extension's address space." ↩
-
Jakob Ohme et al., "Mobile Data Donations: Assessing Self-Report Accuracy and Sample Biases with the iOS Screen Time Function," Mobile Media & Communication 9, no. 2 (2021). ↩
-
California Attorney General, "Attorney General Bonta Secures Transformative $17 Billion Settlement with Meta," August 26, 2026. Terms for users under 18 include a midnight-to-6 a.m. access block and a default two-hour daily limit. ↩
-
New York Attorney General, "Attorney General James and Governor Hochul Release Final SAFE for Kids Act Rules," July 2026. The act takes effect January 25, 2027. ↩
-
U.S. Surgeon General, Social Media and Youth Mental Health, 2023, p. 14 ("What Policymakers Can Do"). ↩
-
National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, Social Media and Adolescent Health, December 2023, Recommendations 8-2 and 8-3. ↩
-
U.S. Department of Justice, "Department of Justice Announces New Policy for Charging Cases under the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act," May 19, 2022. ↩
-
Nielsen, "Streaming Embarks on Annual Summer Ascent in Nielsen's May 2026 Gauge Reports," 2026. YouTube held the largest share of TV viewing among all media distributors. ↩
-
Apple, Differential Privacy Overview: a technique that "enables Apple to learn about the user community without learning about individuals in the community." ↩
-
NetChoice v. Ellison, No. 0:25-cv-02741 (D. Minn., filed June 30, 2025), challenging Minn. Stat. § 325M.33(1)–(5). Pending as of September 2026. ↩
-
X Corp. v. Bonta, No. 24-271 (9th Cir. Sept. 4, 2024), holding that California's content-category reports were content-based and likely failed strict scrutiny. ↩